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Imagining Rabbits and Squirrels in the
English Countryside
Hilda Kean
Ruskin College, Oxford
Drawing on contemporary coverage, particularly in The Field
and Country Life, this article considers the construction of
rabbits and squirrels as images of the past in England. By the
1930s, the red squirrel had become increasingly rare in the
English countryside. Particularly in towns and suburbs, the
population of the grey squirrel was growing rapidly. Those who
saw themselves as the custodians of the countryside depicted the
grey squirrel as a foreign force inimical to a mythical English
way of life as epitomized by the red squirrel. In the post war
period, the debate resurfaced about the nature of the
countryside and who had a right to defend it. The focus then was
upon the spread of myxomatosis from France, which was depicted
as a foreign disease. Wild rabbits, who died in the thousands
from this infection, became appropriated, as red squirrels
before them, as symbols of a lyrical and ordered past in the
countryside.
I want to start with a memory of childhood days in the 1950s
countryside, walking around Buckhurst Hill and Loughton on the
London/Essex borders. My parents and I were always looking for a
red squirrel, hoping a grey squirrel with red bits was really a
red one? and never finding the real thing. What we saw were
rabbits, diseased rabbits, except I was told not to look at the
horrible sight of a rabbit dying painfully through myxomatosis.
When I started the research leading to this article, I first
assumed that my memory was wrong, out of time. Surely, we could
not have been looking for red squirrels, for they had become
virtually extinct some 20 years earlier in almost all England
and Wales ?and certainly in the southeast. But, as I hope to
show, there was a closer relationship between the idea of a red
squirrel and a diseased rabbit than would first seem the case.
The Red Squirrel: Image and Reality
Nowadays, although we may recognize a red squirrel when we see
one on an advertisement or Christmas card, that is the closest
most of us in England will ever come to seeing such a creature.
Currently, the only places in England where wild red squirrels
are likely to be found are the Isle of Wight, Brownsea Island in
Dorset, parts of the northeast and northwest, and parts of East
Anglia.
This scarcity of red squirrels is a relatively new phenomenon.
As early as 1840, red squirrels were widespread and,
consequently, were criticized for destroying young trees and
subjected to summary shooting Before the Great War, the red
squirrel was so abundant and so destructive in some areas that
shooting clubs were formed to kill them. By the 1920s, however,
there was growing concern about the disappearance of the red
squirrel in the wild. Although such concern was reflected both
in the scientific and the "countryside press" of Country Life
and The Field, only in the last 20 years? once "real" red
squirrels were long dead and gone? has the red squirrel been
consolidated as a motif of England’s heritage. At a time when
the red squirrel no longer could be experienced as a living part
of the actually existing countryside, the squirrel as symbol
represented a particular idea of English as a nation.
The 1930s saw the origins of the construction of the red
squirrel as an indigenous creature threatened by a foreign
menace. By the 1950s, red squirrels had almost disappeared, and
the grey squirrel was well established. It was in the more
recent past that this "sleeping image" was resurrected as a
symbol of tradition and nationality. The red squirrel has become
iconic of the nation alongside such symbols of Englishness as
red phone boxes, warm beer, and cricket bats.
The disappearance of the red squirrels from the English
countryside was countered by their entry into the world of
heritage stamps, Tufty club? a road safety campaign for
children, hideous garden ornaments, Christmas cards, stuffed
displays in provincial museums, and sponsorship of heritage
competitions. In the jubilee year of 1977, postage stamps of
five British wild animals were issued as examples of threatened
wildlife: the hedgehog, hare, otter, badger, and red squirrel.
The increasing visibility of red squirrels as benign characters?
rather than destroyers of Highland timber? and as emblems of a
mythic past has evolved from their absence as actually existing
mammals.
The Friendly Grey Squirrel or Marauding American Tree Rat?
Frequently, the demise of the red squirrel was linked,
incorrectly, to the spread of the grey squirrel. The grey
squirrels were depicted as distinctive, not because of different
colorings (often, they are brown with reddish patches at certain
times of the year) but because they are "foreign," non
indigenous mammals. The grey squirrel often was referred to
scathingly as an American tree rat.
Although grey squirrels existed in England and Wales from 1830,
their spread is usually attributed to the whims of various
aristocrats releasing what were domestic pets into the wild,
thereby distorting a "natural" environment. A. D. Middleton, who
carried out his research on the grey squirrel with a grant from
the Empire Marketing Board, was so concerned about the origins
of grey squirrels that he catalogued more than 32 separate
releases of squirrels into the countryside from 1876 to 1929.
The foreign origin of the squirrel was particularly important to
him: "I know of more than one patriotic Englishman who has been
embittered against the whole American nation on account of the
presence of their squirrels in his garden."
Grey squirrels became very popular, however, because of their
perceived friendliness and alertness. They rapidly became
favorites with visitors to London parks, emulating the practice
in Central Park in New York and were well established as such by
the 1920s. The spread of the grey squirrel in the 1920s,
particularly in London and the Home Counties, coincided with a
severe decline in the red squirrel population. Scientists tended
to view a causal relationship sceptically: The red squirrel
population had declined because of proclivity to certain
diseases. "Countrymen" were less considered in their approach.
As one declared, "This alien enemy (the grey squirrel) is said
to be spreading fast throughout parts of the Home Counties,where,
like all aliens it is rapidly dispossessing the native
squirrel."
By 1931, countryside public concern, which took scant note of
scientists’ opinions, was at its height about the possible
demise of the red squirrel and the responsibility of the foreign
grey for this deplorable state of affairs. Contributors to
Country Life and The Field, obsessed with the perceived problem,
enthusiastically wrote the magazines about its extent. In a May
1931 Country Life lead article, the caption beneath a grey
squirrel's photograph characterized the squirrel as the
"prisoner at the bar."
The Squirrel and the Nation in 1930s England
As I have argued elsewhere, the explanation for the popularity
or vilification (or protection) of certain animals at different
times owes less to the behavior of particular animals and more
to broader political, social, and cultural concerns in human
society. Campaigns to preserve the English countryside had been
developed first in the late nineteenth century. As Octavia Hill,
a leading member of the Commons Preservation Society and founder
of the National Trust in 1895, expressed it: "Let the grass
growing for hay be respected, let the primrose roots be left in
their loveliness in the hedges, the birds unmolested and the
gates [to paths] shut."
This concern for the countryside, however, took on new forms in
the 1920s and 1930s. Although Conservative Prime Minister
Stanley Baldwin's 1926 speech, "On England," has become almost a
cliché through over-quoting, his organizing conceit is worth
reiterating: "To me, England is the country, and the country is
England." This rural idyll became a "key means of representing
the nation." In different ways, progressives and reactionaries
alike were engaged in developing ideas of Englishness in which
notions of land, landscape, and country were central. This
period saw the establishment and growth of what became the
League Against Cruel Sports, with its opposition to hunting wild
animals in the countryside and, to counter its campaigns, the
British Field Sports Society. Also created at this time were The
Ramblers’ Association and British Workers’ Sports Federation,
both of which challenged the privatization of land and exclusion
of walkers from the wild. In a different vein, Harold John
Massingham, the forerunner of the modern ecological movement,
looked to organic farming and the benign treatment of animals to
create a new way of life: It was to the countryside that England
had to look to find and consolidate its roots.
Views of Englishness and a return to the land were not confined
to the left. Many English countryside enthusiasts looked to Nazi
Germany for inspiration. Henry Williamson, better known as the
author of Tarka the Otter than for his fascism, made his own
turn to the land in the 1930s working a farm in Norfolk in
response to the system he proclaimed as, "made by townsmen,
which cared little or nothing for the soil and the people. A
nation that neglected its soil, neglected its soul; and its
people would perish."
The "battle" between the grey and red squirrel took place within
this contest for the defining of the countryside within broader
political cultures. The red squirrels, despite their previously
acknowledged faults of destruction of trees, were constructed as
an established symbol of an idyllic rural Britain. The grey
squirrel was both alien? destroying indigenous culture? and
liked by those seen as anathema to the countryside? people who
lived in towns and the suburbs. This division between town and
suburb and the country was reflected in the heated exchanges in
early 1931 in The Field and Country Life. Questions in
parliament and a Ministry of Agriculture conference soon
followed. Indeed, it was the very presence of grey squirrels in
towns that led, some argued, to their endorsement by those
possessing that apparent city characteristic of sentiment. A
hostile correspondent from Surrey recounted a tale of seeing a
group of six grey squirrels being admired by a crowd in London’s
Russell Square. "When I ventured to suggest that I should kill
[them] with my stick the whole crowd seemed horrified." The
public, he went on, should be taught that the squirrels were, in
fact, rats.
Those working in the countryside were not enchanted by squirrel
antics: "These squirrel rats are everywhere and for every one
shot there are 50 dancing defiance on the tree tops; skipping
along fences or camouflaging themselves where nobody can see
them." These foreign hordes were castigated for such crimes as
attacking pheasant chicks, chewing up celandines, and eating?
precisely? 174 young shoots and 252 cones from one fir tree.
This invasion represented more than the destruction of economic
livelihood or cherished gardens: The spread of the grey squirrel
was seen as a threat both to the actual indigenous red squirrel
and to the embryonic mythical way of life the red represented.
As a leading article in The Field suggested, "We are confronted
today, in short, with the opening stages of a plague…. In a
short time the whole face of England will have been invaded by a
foreign rodent which is omnivorous." Farmers, concerned with the
dumping of foreign sludge in British jams or vegetable imports
that undermined the home market or the need for preferential
tariffs within the empire, identified with the red squirrel
against the grey squirrel as a metaphor of foreign destruction.
According to the Field, the grey squirrel was an enemy of the
farmer, the fruit grower, the naturalist, and the lover of
English birds. Those who sought to kill the squirrels with a
vigor more extensive than in the past were defending not just
their livelihoods but a particular idea of Englishness and
establishing who had a right to defend that idea.
Parliamentary debate balanced the countryside demands for
wholesale slaughter with the preservation of grey squirrels in
town parks. In due course, a conference was held in May 1931
with representatives of farmers and rural local authorities
together with those such as the National Trust and Royal Society
for the Protection of Birds concerned with the preservation and
creation of heritage. The conference thus represented a coming
together of those defending a particular sort of English land
both literally and metaphorically. A key participant at the
conference was the newly formed National Anti-Grey Squirrel
Campaign run by L. Swainson from his home in Boxmoor in
Hertfordshire, with the intention of reducing the squirrels to a
vanishing point. Some suggested the introduction of particular
traps, recipes for grey squirrel pies, or "early rising and a
gun." The government confined its immediate activities to
issuing an advisory leaflet through the Ministry of Agriculture,
which felt it necessary to describe the grey squirrels? with
prominent eyes and rather small ears? as if their appearance was
not widely known. It advised forming squirrel clubs or "general
vermin clubs" among landowners and farmers to kill the first
squirrels who migrated into an area by shooting or trapping.
Post war Squirrels
In the post war period, the need to defend a particular notion
of the land and the nation was set against the recent conflict,
as H. J. Massingham suggested:
To be destroying the earth? birds, beasts, fishes, vegetation
and, most of all, soil? in order to make money out of it, and
for nearly every country in the world to be fighting either
within itself or with other countries does not make sense.
By the 1950s, however, attempts to conserve the red squirrels as
actually existing animals had almost perished, alongside the
squirrels themselves. But the invective against the grey
squirrel remained. Even publications about British wildlife
aimed at children discussed the best ways of destroying grey
squirrels: "The poking down of dreys during winter months is an
excellent method of combatting the grey squirrel, but the
indiscriminate discharging of a cartride into each drey first is
not a sensible practice."
Reissuing its earlier advice leaflet in a revised form in 1954,
the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries expressed its own
concern. Here was cold war rhetoric that inflamed fear of
foreign invasion: "Every English county... has been entered." It
"invades country;" it "will fell standing corn"; in fruit areas,
"it will eat fruit," it is a "frequent robber of birds’ nests,
taking both eggs and chicks." English animals?pheasants,
partridges, and poultry? were declared the grey squirrel’s
"victims." In response, farmers were advised always to "carry a
gun through squirrel infested land" (sic). A non- native animal
and a half-breed at that, "an intermediate between two sub
species," wreaked this havoc.
The Ministry of Agriculture and the Forestry Commission gave
financial incentives to those killing grey squirrels. Cartridges
were issued free to approved grey squirrel clubs; for those
operating independently, 1/-(5p) was given per tail sent to the
county pest officer in bundles of six. Some relished the thought
of using new poisons, ICI explosives, gas, and elaborate traps
against the grey offenders. Boys allegedly were removing tails
from live squirrels. The Forestry commission advised enticing
squirrels into sacks to kill them (probably haphazardly) through
a blow to the head with a sharp stick. Some members of
Parliament, however, were critical of the cruelty involved?
especially in the young queen’s Coronation year (1953). Attempts
to eradicate the grey squirrels nationwide were thwarted by the
general sympathy exhibited toward them in towns. By early 1954,
hysteria about the grey squirrel as a foreign invader had faded.
Nevertheless, the idea of an English way of life being
undermined by a foreign threat that affected wildlife remained,
albeit expressed in different ways.
The Rabbit as a Symbol of an Enduring English Countryside
The wild rabbit started to be appropriated as an image of the
past in the countryside and as a symbol of resistance to change.
Due to a lack of gamekeepers and the ineffective work of council
pest departments, the rabbit population had grown during and
after the 1939-1945 war, despite the increased use of prussic
acid and traps. In addition, a foreign threat created a
particular "moment" for the rabbit? in this case myxomatosis.
Fear of this invading disease and its effects, rather than an
invading animal, aroused controversy. In 1936, Cambridge
scientists first had attempted unsuccessfully to introduce
myxomatosis deliberately to eradicate rabbits on the isle of
Skokholm off the Pembrokeshire coast in Wales. The first
outbreak in England, however, was in October 1953 at Bough
Beech, in Edenbridge on the Kent/Sussex borders. The strain of
the virus present in English rabbits was traced to the work of
Dr Armand Delille, a scientist and landowner who had obtained
the virus from diseased domestic rabbits in Brazil by way of
Switzerland. Controversially, he deliberately had inoculated two
rabbits on his land? and by the end of 1954, 90% of wild rabbits
in France were dead.
By October 1954, myxomatosis had spread to all except one of the
counties of England and Wales and to 28 counties in Scotland. By
May 1955, it was estimated that, depending on the locality,
between 95% and 100% of wild rabbits in Britain had been killed.
This disease inflicted a slow and painful death on rabbits: They
became both blind and deaf, lost their balance, and often
staggered in distress for up to 14 days before dying.
Myxomatosis was clearly welcomed by some farmers, several of
whom encouraged its deliberate spread by forcibly removing
infected rabbits to non- infected areas. The government,
however, decided to take no measures to stop its spread and
refused to legislate against the deliberate transmission of the
disease.
Many farmers and countryside dwellers as well as city people
were appalled by the cruelty of the slaughter that was widely
observed in the summer months. In the immediate post war period
when the rabbit population had grown and there had been fierce
debate about how to control its numbers, the deliberate spread
of this deadly disease had not even been discussed. For although
rabbits could be a pest, they, nevertheless, were seen as part
of the established order of the countryside, acting as food for
foxes, predators of smaller animals, and cheap meals for people.
Their removal heralded a shift in the natural balance of the
countryside at a time when other significant changes were
happening. Chemicals, especially DDT, and intensive farming, as
exemplified by battery hens, were being introduced, and people
were moving into the country from the towns. It was this context
of perceived change to a natural order and undermining of a
particular notion of England that led even many devotees of The
Field to be appalled by the role of people in spreading
myxomatosis. "Can a man who inoculates one of God’s creatures
with a loathsome disease to save the headlands of his field
automatically expect the same creator to bless the crop in the
rest of the field"?
One of The Field's correspondents suggested injecting human
spreaders of the disease with anthrax while others deplored the
"torture" of rabbits in this way. Animal welfare organizations
intervened in different ways. The Royal Society for the
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals killed suffering rabbits; the
redoubtable Louise Lind af Hageby and her Animal Defence Society
condemned the rising tide of cruelty to animals that the 1950s
heralded. A parliamentary petition of more than 126,000
signatures was collected in a few weeks, calling for the
outlawing of the spread of the disease. Petitioners were
concerned both about protracted and widespread suffering and the
dangers of germ and virus warfare. The rabbit? like the red
squirrel before? had become an object of human-interest
epitomizing an earlier, less brutal world.
In my opening story, my memory was not at fault. There was an
elision between the red squirrel and the rabbit: We were looking
for a red squirrel, already a symbol of an earlier time when
nasty things like eye-popping disease in rabbits (and world war
and nuclear annihilation) did not exist. The squirrel and the
rabbit were both symbols of a particular sort of innocence. What
we actually saw was an example of a brutalizing present.
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