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Book Review
James M. Jasper
The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography and Creativity in
Social Movements
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997
Corwin Kruse 1
University of Minnesota
In April of 1999 a small number of activists broke into
several research labs at the University of Minnesota and
liberated a small number of nonhuman animals. In the days that
followed, the press devoted substantial coverage to the action.
One of the themes in the coverage was the irrationality of the
individuals involved; they had risked substantial penalties, set
back research, and destroyed property simply to free a few birds
and rodents. Why would they do such a thing? The public was
incensed, and the state legislature considered constitutionally
questionable measures to stem the tide of animal rights
terrorism. Why was there such a vitriolic response?
This book provides some of the tools that we may use to
understand perspectives of the mainstream media and the public
as well as the activists and their supporters. The Art of Moral
Protest is an ambitious work that draws heavily on Jasper's
previous research into both the anti_nuclear and animal rights
movements. Because the former provides the bulk of information,
individuals specifically interested in the issue of animal
rights might prefer reading Jasper's previous book (with Nelkin),
The Animal Rights Crusade. Those more broadly concerned with the
nature of social movement mobilization, however, should find
this volume engaging. Case histories and in_depth interviews
mustered in support of his arguments abound.
In general, Jasper suggests that we need to take a more cultural
approach to the study of social movements. In doing so, scholars
must address the interplay between shared understandings
(culture) and individual mental constructs regarding self and
society (biography). Culture “provides the context and criteria
for judging rationality” (p. 83) while biography builds on
personal experiences to provide a unique outlook on the world.
The arguments for a cultural component to social movement
research are well taken. Although discussions of framing (Snow,
Rochford, Worden, & Benford, 1986) have addressed the processes
by which organizations may attempt to match their concerns to
those of potential activists, Jasper provides insights into how
such concerns might be constructed and reconstructed in the
course of social action. In addition, he points out that the
nature of costs and benefits are ambiguous and fluid. Many of us
would consider jail time to be a negative thing. By constructing
jail time as a badge of honor, however, activists may turn it
into something positive and perhaps even desirable. This line of
thought is not unique, but this work brings it out more
explicitly than do most.
My primary quarrel with Jasper relates to his critique of
“rationalists,” a group into which he lumps proponents of the
rational_choice, resource mobilization, and political process
models of social action. By holding up relatively narrow
definitions of self_interests, costs, and benefits, Jasper
effectively constructs a straw_person whom he then proceeds to
knock down. Although such narrow views may certainly be found,
particularly in early rationalist works, they are by no means
emblematic of these models as a whole.
Jasper suggests that the value of much current social movement
research is restricted by a reliance on an instrumental
rationalism that focuses on “the acquisition of money and power,
and distinguishes too sharply between the means and the ends” of
protest (p. 33). Such a critique, though not without merit, is
hardly new; many scholars in the rationalist camp have brought
up similar points. What Jasper seems to ignore is that a number
of these authors have also attempted to correct such
shortcomings.
For example, Hechter (1994) distinguishes between instrumental
and immanent goods as motivation for social protest.
Instrumental goods, such as money, that may be exchanged for
other goods certainly have the potential to stimulate action.
Actors, however, also may rationally be motivated by immanent
goods—things highly regarded in and of themselves rather than
for their exchange value. Animal rights protesters, for
instance, are unlikely to receive great material rewards for
their activities and may even incur substantial costs. Yet,
acting on one's deeply held beliefs may be so satisfying in and
of itself that individuals are willing to bear the costs.
Opp (1988, 1989a, 1989b) argues that non_material or “soft”
incentives are important determinants of protest and must be
included in any rational models thereof. Likewise, Snow and
Oliver (1995) discuss three different classes of incentives for
protest: material, solidary, and purposive. Solidary incentives
relate to interpersonal relations and address the influence on
our actions of such things as the praise or contempt of valued
others. Purposive incentives are intrapersonal in nature and
arise from internalized values and norms. These works, as well
as others, mirror and address many of Jasper's concerns yet
receive little, if any, mention in his book.
In sum, The Art of Moral Protest, although flawed, provides food
for thought. It is a reminder that culture, identity, and
emotion can play an important part in social movements—such as
the animal rights movement—that imply a substantial cosmological
shift. Students of contentious politics and new social movements
are likely to find this book interesting but hardly
revolutionary.
References
Hechter, M. (1994). The role of values in rational choice
theory. Rationality and Society, 6, 318_333.
Opp, K. (1988). Grievances and participation in social
movements. American Sociological Review, 53, 853_864.
Opp, K. (1989a). Integration into voluntary associations and
incentives for political protest. International Social Movement
Research, 2, 345_362.
Opp, K. (1989b). The rationality of political protest. Boulder,
CO: Westview Press.
Snow, D. A. & Oliver, P. (1995). Social movements and collective
behavior:
Social psychological dimensions and considerations. In K. Cook,
G. Fine, and J. House (Eds.). Sociological perspectives on
social psychology (pp. 571_599).
Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
Snow, D. A., Rochford, E. B., Worden, S. K., & Benford, R. D.
(1986). Frame alignment processes, micromobilization, and
movement participation. American Sociological Review, 51,
464_481.
Note
1 Correspondence should be sent to Corwin Kruse, Department of
Sociology, 909 Social Science, University of Minnesota, 267 19th
Avenue South, Minneapolis, MN 55455-0412.
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