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Reviewed
by: Ellizabeth Marshall Thomas
The
Hidden Life of Dogs
New
York: Houghton Mifflin, 1993. xxi, 148 pp. $18.95.
Robert
W. Mitchell
Eastern Kentucky University
At
the turn of the century, some North American naturalists and
adventurers--most notably Ernest Thompson Seton, William J.
Long, and Jack London--viewed animals as profoundly psychological
and humanlike in their behavior (Lutts, 1990). Animal "marriage"
and animal knowledge were topics these authors wrote informatively
about, using anecdotes and metaphors from human culture to spice
up and render immediately accessible accounts of animal behavior.
There were, of course, several scientists, naturalists and adventurers
(particularly John Burroughs) who opposed such humanizing, and
eventually their anti-anthropomorphism held sway in science
(at least until recently). But the popular audience has maintained
an interest not only in animal behavior but in its anthropomorphic
and psychological interpretation. Thomas' book fulfills that
interest, and remains firmly in the tradition of anthropomorphic
anecdotalism--the idea that one can observe one instance of
behavior, and understand what animals think and know based on
it. Although Thomas begins by denying that the subject of dog
consciousness is anthropomorphic (p. vii), she then states that
a book on dogs must be anthropomorphic (p. xv).
Like
Seton's, Thomas' observations of dog and wolf behavior are believable
and engaging; one envies her experiences of observing so many
dogs out and about. Her interpretations, however, are frequently
off-putting because of overinterpretation. She makes explicit
comparisons between dogs and humans, much as Darwin (1871) did,
providing instances of dog imitation, pretense, and morality.
Typically, however, the evidence is wholly inadequate. In the
case of imitation of human turn-taking in licking ice cream,
the licking dog might have responded the same way to ice cream
before observing the human pattern; in the case of
the imitation of eating while lying down, the model for the
action is not known, but merely asserted. Given that the dog
attacked by Bingo for purportedly moral reasons did not seem
to have done anything immoral, it is unclear how Bingo could
have been exhibiting morality. The description of one dog's
pretense of hunting, however, is intriguing and believable--dogs
re-enact their own actions playfully, as anyone knows who has
been bested by a dog's skill at feinting and keepaway (Mitchell
& Thompson, 1993). But dogs do not seem to pretend in the
way that some apes and dolphins (and most humans) can, by re-enacting
behaviors of someone else (Mitchell, 1994). Some human analogies
work, however, as when wolf groups are compared to some human
families in their lack of dominance displays (pp. 37-38). Thus,
the problem is not with using analogies between humans and animals,
but with their inaccurate use.
The various
psychological interpretations presented throughout the book
may be interesting and suggestive, but many verge on a hazily
anthropomorphic assumption, proposed even when evidence is scant,
that dogs and wolves always "know" and "think" about their own
and others' behaviors. One dog (dressed and cologned by his
or her owner) which immediately showed submissive behavior upon
other dogs' predatory approach is depicted as exhibiting "quick
thinking" (p. 70) where thinking seems irrelevant, and dogs
which enact patterns of behavior similar to those of wolves
are said to "remember" the wolves' patterns (p. 37) where no
memory seems required. Two wolves (p. 42) are described as having
"told the others where a surprising and untoward thing had occurred"
(that is, where a group of humans first appeared). The word
"told" suggests information passed on verbally, but Thomas does
not argue that wolves have a language comparable to speech;
rather, she maintains that the "telling" is done mysteriously.
But if wolves communicate nonverbally the feeling that something
is wrong, and the only new things on the horizon are human beings,
it does not take mysterious communications for other wolves
to feel that the humans are to be avoided. The account of one
postpartum female killing the offspring of a less dominant female
is believable in that similar infanticide is sometimes found
in group-living carnivores (Packer & Pusey, 1984), but the
ideas that the killing of a second litter by a dominant female
pack member is an "unavoidable" and necessary part of "dog rules,"
that the female whose pups were killed "knew" that according
to "dog rules" her own pups did not have the "right to live,"
and that her knowledge "explained her detachment from the pups"
and her willingness to let the other female kill them (pp. 83,
88) seem unlikely and hard to evaluate empirically. It certainly
was not in the female's genetic self-interest to have allowed
her pups to be killed, especially when there was plenty of food
available for all pups. Although Thomas relates the infanticide
to that by human hunter-gatherers, she specifies that a human
mother might kill her own newborn when she has another
infant already, because both may die due to lack of
food. The inaptness of the analogy leads Thomas to posit a different
analogy, that "Like parts of the body, they [dogs] function
together on behalf of the whole" (p. 90). But this analogy suggests
group selection is at work, which biologists have repeatedly
and believably argued is rarely if ever operative. Scientists
studying animal behavior will have a difficult time accepting
many of Thomas' interpretations of dog consciousness, largely
because the author seems remarkably naive about the scientific
study of animal psychology. A simple case of classical conditioning
of the dog Inookshook is described as a mysterious feat of learning
(p. 137): "She even learned that insulin made her feel better....
Somehow she managed to associate the injection with the comfort
that resulted much later." Thomas claims that if she watches
two dogs for one hour, she has two hours of observation, but
the number of hours counted should probably be divided by the
number of animals observed simultaneously--it is simply too
difficult to observe two or more animals carefully. Many researchers
of animal behavior (e.g., Smuts, 1985; Strum, 1987) do, however,
share Thomas' experience of "enter[ing] into the consciousness
of a nonhuman creature" (p. 120), an experience managed by an
observer (Quiatt, in press) based on attending to what an animal
does and taking on its concerns (Shapiro, in press). Of course
dogs have consciousness, feelings and intelligence; too bad
the assumptions Thomas makes in interpreting them are not typically
compelling.
References
Darwin,
C. (1871/1896). The descent of man, and selection in relation
to sex . New York: Appleton.
Lutts,
R. H. (1990). The nature fakers: Wildlife, science and sentiment
. Golden, CA: Fulcrum Publishing.
Mitchell,
R. W., & Thompson, N. S. (1993). Familiarity and the rarity
of deception: Two theories and their relevance to play between
dogs ( Canis familiaris ) and humans ( Homo sapiens
). Journal of Comparative Psychology, 107 , 291-300.
Mitchell,
R. W. (1994). The evolution of primate cognition: Simulation,
self-knowledge, and knowledge of other minds. In D. Quiatt &
J. Itani (Eds.), Hominid culture in primate perspective
(pp. 177-232). Boulder: University of Colorado.
Packer,
C., & Pusey, A. E. (1984). Infanticide in carnivores. In
G. Hausfater & S. Blaffer Hrdy (Eds.), Infanticide:
Comparative and evolutionary perspectives (pp. 31-42).
Hawthorne, NY: Aldine.
Quiatt,
D. (in press). Silent partners? Observations on some systematic
relations among observer perspective, theory, and behavior.
In R. W. Mitchell, N. S. Thompson, & H. L. Miles (Eds.),
Anthropomorphism, anecdotes and animals . Albany: SUNY
Press.
Shapiro,
K. J. (in press). A phenomenological approach to the study of
nonhuman animals. In R. W. Mitchell, N. S. Thompson, & H.
L. Miles (Eds.), Anthropomorphism, anecdotes and animals
. Albany: SUNY Press.
Smuts,
B. B. (1985). Sex and friendship in baboons . Hawthorne,
NY: Aldine.
Strum,
S. C. (1987). Almost human . New York: Random House.
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