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Reviewed
By: James M. Jasper
New York University
Douglas
Keith Candland
Feral Children and Clever Animals:
Reflections on Human Nature
New York: Oxford, 1993, 411 pp. $30.00
If we could ever
accurately describe human nature, it might include the use of
signs and language. It might also include efforts to communicate
with beings on the borders of humanity, especially nonhuman
species but also human beings lacking full socialization. In
a marvelous idea for a book, Douglas Keith Candland has examined
some of the most famous of these efforts over the last several
hundred years, in an effort not only to probe human nature but
also to uncover many of the roots of modern psychology.
Feral Children and Clever Animals is best when presenting
these stories. We learn about Kasper Hauser, a young man who
appeared in Nuremberg in 1828, repeating something that sounded
like "I want to be a horseman as my father is." When he was
murdered five years later, theories abounded about his being
a possible successor to the ruler of Baden, raised in secrecy
and isolation to keep him out of the way. Then there is Clever
Hans, the German horse (two horses, actually) who could tap
his hooves in answer to mathematical and other questions. He
turned out to be responding to subtle and unintentional bodily
cues from his trainer and other human observers. We also encounter
the many chimpanzees and gorillas who have learned sign language
and computer symbols as means of communication, such as Washoe
and Koko. Most of the stories are familiar, but Candland provides
interesting details and commentary.
The failure of this long book lies in the analysis accompanying
the anecdotes. Candland repeatedly states that the ways in which
the children and animals are studied tells us more about the
investigators than their subjects, yet he does not hesitate
to label certain research questions as wrong (implying that
others are right, regardless of intellectual context). He tells
us that these experiments and observations raise important questions,
but he rarely answers them, or even tells us what the implications
are. The reader is intrigued - yes, these are important issues
- but disappointed.
Even Candland's conclusions are merely suggestive. He says that
the reader should have learned something about the differences
between physical and behavioral science, the relationship of
experimenter to subject, the strengths and weaknesses of laboratories
versus natural settings for research, experiential versus innate
knowledge, and the limits of constructing a great chain of being.
But he leaves it to the reader to figure out exactly what conclusions
to draw. The author, in the end, has little to say about human
nature.
Occasional excursi also address the roots of several schools
of psychology: behaviorism, psychoanalysis, phenomenology, and
the measurement of mental abilities. Here too, the stories are
revealing: about the origins of the idea of a learning curve,
for example, or the progressive aspects of a behaviorism that
was opposed to arguments for the hereditary sources of knowledge.
But there is no tight argument about these traditions or their
relationship to feral children and clever animals.
This book is similar to many of the cases it describes: a great
opportunity squandered
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