Definition and Cultural Representation of the Category Mushi in Japanese Culture

Erick Laurent 1

Gifu University of Economic Sciences, Japan

In this essay, I attempt to define the 'ethnocategory' mushi (insects, larvae, small animals) in Japanese culture, through a semantic analysis of the Chinese characters bearing the radical "mushi," and fieldwork research in rural Japan. The research offers criteria for an animal's inclusion in the category, reveals the differences in people's perception of mushi according to age and gender, and elicits a structure of the category as a series of concentric circles around a semantic core. The richness and complexity of the findings provide insight into Japanese attitudes towards animals and nature.

Contemporary Japanese society seems to possess the outside appearance of a western society in its market economy, occidental-like infrastructures, fashion, and system of government adopted from western countries. Scientific research and cultural reporting on Japan tend to focus on certain types of subjects - religious features, urbanity, postmodernity and so on. The image that emerges is that of a country bound to be admired and/or feared. Beyond this image are the rooted and unwesternized cultural codes foundational to Japanese life.

Through this paper, I describe the organization and the importance of a folk zoological category as well as the features attached to its image in Japanese culture. The paper attempts to shed new light upon the research on Japanese culture in general.

One of the most fundamental principles of ethnozoology is that it requires descriptions, faithful to the layperson's understanding or constructs, to "describe the behavioral system of a culture in its own terms" (Sturtevant, 64; p. 102). In dealing with a foreign culture, (even) anthropologists often tend to minimize or forget the importance of the relations between people and their direct environment, especially animals. Japan appears to be no exception.

A previous survey revealed that mushi are of considerable importance in Japanese culture. For instance, Japanese people listen to mushi in the autumn, admire fireflies in the spring, and, in certain parts of Japan, eat insects. They constitute what could be called an "ethno-category," that is, a category of thinking bound to a specific culture or peculiar traits of a given culture, as much as the criteria for an object to belong to this category are culture-dependent. I deal here with a folk category, different from the scientific zoological category "insects," and called konch in Japanese. Every Japanese would agree that mushi represents a wider group than insects. Problems, however, emerge when one tries to define this folk group.

Methods

In order to define the category mushi, I undertook three types of research:

1. Research in Japanese dictionaries and encyclopedia in order to outline the vocabulary and expressions attached to the word "mushi."

2. Semantic analysis of the characters of Chinese origin bearing the radical "mushi," from two Japanese dictionaries. The scientific meaning of each character as well as the faunal composition of the group constituted by these characters were examined.

3. Field research, undertaken during two periods of six months, one in a silkworm breeding farm in Hase, in the province of Nagano in Central Japan (1989), and the other one in Ekawa, a village in the hills, 15 km from the west coast of the Kii peninsula in Wakayama Prefecture (1991). At that time, Hase (320 km2) had nine hamlets and 2560 inhabitants, most of them farmers and/or foresters (some young people work in the city of Ina, 30 km from there). It is a mountainous village (from 800 to 3000 meters above sea level) where they grow mulberry trees (for silkworm breeding), fruits, and rice. As for Ekawa (76 km2) 62% of its 6900 inhabitants work in the city of Gobo, 20 km from there. Most of the people working in the village are farmers, growing mainly rice and oranges.

Data from the fieldwork led to a global, general idea of the place and importance of mushi in everyday life in rural Japan. Besides, in a more formal way, I conducted a sample survey in and around Ekawa village to obtain a more precise idea of what a mushi is. The results discussed in this paper are but a part of those drawn from the collected data.

Definitions

First of all, it may be necessary to look briefly at the Chinese background to the meaning of the character used for mushi. During the Zhou period (1192-256 B.C.), we find two characters ( , ) both designating all the animals. At least from the Oriental Han period (25-220 A.D.) they gradually evolved. For instance, in the Shuowen jiezi (circa 100 A.D.), which is considered to be the first etymological dictionary of Chinese language, the definition of the first of these two characters refers primarily to a long snake; then several examples of animals are given, defined through their morphology and/or mode of locomotion ("those who crawl or fly (bat); those who bear fur (ape) or not," and so on). The second of these two characters meant "animal with legs."

When introduced in Japan from the 6th century, these characters possessed different meanings. They were secondarily mixed, after a graphic simplification, and so were their meanings. Now, Japanese only use the character mushi ( ).

According to Japanese dictionaries and encyclopedia, mushi is divided into four groups of meanings:

1. First, the zoological meaning is always given in reference to Honz, the Chinese books of natural history introduced in Japan from the 8th century, which were copied, then reshaped and arranged to gradually become true manuals of Japanese natural sciences.

The wide zoological meaning of mushi, according to the Honz, is said to be a remnant category (that is, including animals that can't fit into the other defined categories). However, dictionaries add to this definition "insects, and so on," giving us a first clue that mushi are not just a remnant category. The restricted zoological meaning refers, on the one hand, to the "autumn singing insects" (such as various species of crickets, grasshoppers) which seem to be of true Japanese origin and broadly used in classical poetry since before the 8th century, and on the other hand to intestinal parasites, an idea which comes from the Chinese taoist concept of sanshi ( ), according to which the human body is inhabited by "the three beings" that are said to govern human feelings and actions.

2. The second set of meanings refers to a series of illnesses related to stomach aches or (infantile) nervous illnesses, soon to be linked with "mind," or "spirit."

3. The third meaning is related to unconsciousness in general, to a state in which potentialities are not fully actualized, or else to hidden feelings, and so on.

These last two are the meanings mainly referred to in the numerous expressions using the word mushi. For instance, "my mushi are painful" (mushi ga itai) to signify "abdominal pains;" "to calm down one's mushi" (mushi ga shizumaru) to mean "to appease one's temper;" "my mushi does not like him/her" (mushi ga sukanai) to mean an instinctive antipathy for someone hardly known; "my (his, your, ...) mushi are in the wrong place" (mushi no idokoro ga warui), meaning "to be in a bad mood;" and so on.

4. The fourth meaning, a modern one and less semantically homogenous than the previous ones, refers to the common possibility to call "mushi" a person who is passionately fond of something, or else to denigrate someone's habits. For example to be very fond of books, "books' mushi" (hon no mushi), or to be a "softy," "coward," or "crying mushi" (nakimushi).

Semantic Analysis of Characters Bearing the Radical "Mushi"

Each character of Chinese origin is composed of a radical (semantic in the great majority of cases) and of another element, semantic or phonetic. Characters are classified according to their radical. The groups of characters composed with the same radicals are classified in dictionaries according to the number of strokes used to write the radicals.

The radical mushi is a semantic element and all the characters bearing this radical (about one hundred) constitute a group, the semantic analysis of which is extremely revealing of the zoological meaning of the category called mushi in Japanese (see Figure 1). We must, however, keep in mind that this group does not correspond in reality to the "ethnocategory" mushi. These data cannot be regarded on the same logical level as the data collected from fieldwork or direct inquiry. They belong to another, yet not less valid, type of reality.

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Figure 1 (Zoological Meaning of the Characters Bearing the Radical ( ) (Mushi).

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A striking thing to notice is the similarity of pattern between the two graphs, leading us to consider mushi as a rather semantically homogenous concept, historically speaking. However, some small discrepancies are to be observed, one of them being the presence in the Morohashi's dictionary of a class "unknown" which refers to old characters, the zoological meaning of which Morohashi was not able to determine scientifically.

We can clearly see from the two graphs in Figure 1 that the group formed by the characters bearing the radical mushi is centered around insects. In fact, 42.7% or 43.1% are relatively high scores compared to the other zoological groups.

Insects are followed by "non-insect arthropods" and mollusks. "Non-insect arthropods" include animals that are considered as "insects" by laypeople, such as spiders, millipedes, crabs, and small aquatic crustaceans. Therefore, in this sense, this class tends to strengthen the idea and accredit the reality of a semantic center for the concept of mushi.

The high percentage of worms (6%), and to some extent mollusks (9%) and reptiles (7%) may lead us to think that, at least in the past, crawling animals were important in the definition of the mushi.

Fieldwork

To minimize bias from Western influence, I collected data from a sample of people within rural Japan. The two rural communities, though different in other ways, showed no basic differences regarding the apprehension of the mushi category or attitudes towards mushi.

While participating in the tasks of everyday life in the village (feeding silkworm, working in the ricefields and so on), I informally recorded all information concerning the mushi as a category. Then I sorted the data (only a part of them are presented here) so that they could constitute a kind of corpus useful for the understanding of the category. I see these data as essential for the purpose considered here, in that they give a much more vivid perspective on the way an "ethnocategory" is thought about, than would data from a formal questionnaire. Their uniqueness lies in the way they have been collected.

Mushi versus Insects

Anybody who has lived in rural Japan soon understands that mushi are distinct from insects. It is clearly a folk category, and looking at the number of times it is referred to, we can say it has a certain importance in everyday life. With respect to the concept of mushi, the population is clearly divided according to both age and gender.

As for age, I located a change of perception around 50 to 60 years old. Persons over 60 have a broader view of the category and would rather classify together with mushi all sorts of small animals, from spiders to salamanders, frogs or even snakes. Younger persons have a tendency to bring the group of the mushi closer to insects per se, to the point where sometimes it becomes one single group. Scientific and occidental influences are of course very strong here, mainly through school education. For instance, a 17 year old high school student told me: "one does not speak of mushi anymore; we should say insect. " According to him, these constitute the same category, only the name has changed.

As for gender, one can witness a clear-cut division between men and women, mushi being clearly related to the world of men: mainly men know the names of mushi or speak about mushi; men catch, hunt, and breed them (except for silkworms). Since childhood, little boys are encouraged to play with mushi; little girls are taught that they are dirty and disgusting. Girls are instead kept inside the house. Despite recent, although slow, change, particularly in schools, that way of thinking is still quite strong in Japan. Several times I witnessed panic in 20-year-old women in front of worms or even butterflies. There is also a tendency in Japanese society, even in the countryside, to consider fear of mushi in a girl as sweet, pretty, lovely, or delicate. Sometimes women refused to answer my questions about mushi, saying "I'm a woman, I can't understand that type of thing."

The parameters of age and gender thus combine as two gradients of "knowledge and interest" for mushi, defining four groups: young men, viewing mushi as nearly synonymous with insects and playing with them; young women, showing little interest but also considering mushi as insects; old men, bearing a broad view and traditional knowledge about mushi; and old women, showing little interest and bearing little knowledge about mushi.

A Degree of "Mushi-ness"

The observations from my fieldwork tend to show that Japanese draw a distinction, in the category mushi, between several logical levels. This distinction however is not sharply drawn. One could say there exists various degrees in "mushi-ness." A clear demonstration of this fact is not very easy. Indeed, each time a question was asked directly, I never obtained a clear answer, or more often obtained no answer at all. These distinctions are never referred to as such. What we deal with here are impressions rather than strong ideas: vague hints rather than solid proofs. The only way of inquiring is therefore to be very attentive to any idea that could emerge about an animal "being more mushi than another," each time a comparison is tried and verbalized. Let me give four groups of examples.

1. If asked directly, we can assume that the great majority of Japanese would say that fireflies are mushi. But if you are in a conversation about maggots, hairy caterpillars and cockroaches, and then ask, quite innocently, if a firefly is considered to be a mushi, you will be answered "yes, but not like the others," or "well, if you ask it that way, we can say it is a mushi indeed, but..."

The same is true with silkworms. I was told by the silkworm breeder on the farm where I was living, "the silkworms are a kind of mushi" ("Kaiko wa mushi no nakama"). Or else, to show me that silkworms are much more "civilized" (she meant "closer to humans") than other mushi: "the usual mushi always try to escape, they go anywhere, the silkworms just stay here."

It is true, however, that these two examples are quite peculiar in the sense that silkworms and fireflies are very "culturized" insects in Japanese civilization. They are bred, touched, and looked at; they appear in literature, folk songs, tales and legends, expressions, and proverbs, where they always have a very good image.

2. The bred form and the wild form of the silkworm have different names: kasan (house silkworm) versus yasan (field or land silkworm) - yamako, yamamayu, kuwako, tensan - all names referring to wildness, mountain or nature. They are both considered mushi, but the wild form is closer to the idea of what a mushi really is. The criteria seem to be a matter of rusticity and robustness as opposed to culture and refinement. The wild species are bigger, darker, and stronger, connoting to Japanese "stranger, wilder." I was told, "The wild silkworm seems to me ruder. It frightens me. It's darker and that's why I'm afraid." I also witnessed a reaction of disgust from a 40-year-old office worker seeing a greenish wild silkworm on television. Asked why he was disgusted, he answered "because it's not white." The color white in nature traditionally carries a positive image (of cleanliness and purity) in Japan, as opposed to black specifically, or to dark colors more generally.

3. Insects in their larval form are sometimes called mushi, as opposed to their imaginal form, which bears another name. Once again, a pertinent example is the silkworm, sometimes called "mushi" in its worm-like larval stage as opposed to the imaginal form, the moth (ga). Other examples can be found in the minomushi (generic name for the larval stage of the family Psychidae - gnats, mosquitos, and crane flies), the imago being called scientifically minoga, or just ga (moth) in folk naming. The larva of kabutomushi (Allomyrina dichotoma- scarab beatles), is simply called "mushi" in opposition to the winged imago. And firefly larvae are sometimes called ujibotaru or firefly-mushi (Minami, 1961).

Similarly, within species of amphibians, the larval stage belongs to the category mushi whereas the adult does not. This is the case with frogs and toads. The larvae, tadpoles, are called "mushi" owing to their worm-like shape whereas the adults are never considered mushi.

4. The last example emerges from the following conversation. I was walking on a summer night in the ricefields with a Japanese man in his 60s when we heard an insect singing in the thickets near us:

PK - This is a kirigirisu(singing grasshopper).
EL - Oh. I thought it was a cicada...
PK - No, it's completely different. It's a mushi.
EL - ?
PK - A mushi:kirigirisu.
EL - So, a cicada is not a mushi?
PK - ?...

He could not answer a question asked in such a direct manner and unveiling what could be thought of as some kind of contradiction. Here the grasshopper (or in general "the mushi singing in autumn") has been called mushias opposed t o a cicada.

Often the name "mushi" refers to the multitude, the undefined, the unnamed, unspecialized, as opposed to the well known, the precisely named. This is, in my opinion, one of the most salient characteristics of the mushi as a category.

These examples show that among the mushi, there exist several ranks according to the general shape and the morpho-ethological aspects of the animal, but also to the negative sensation evoked - its wildness, ugliness, darkness, and so on.

A given animal will be a mushi or not depending on the context in which the word and concept are used and depending on which animals it is compared to at that moment.

Type of Movement

The type of movement seems to be important in defining what belongs or not to the mushi category. Fundamentally, a mushi is a thing that crawls or creeps. Yet the semantic unit mushi differs from words bearing the suffix -mushi. The names bearing the suffix -mushi tend to designate crawling, creeping species as opposed to the flying mushi. For instance: kemushi, imomushi, kabutomushi, kikuimushi as opposed to hae, tombo, ch. Far from being a strict rule, it is however a strong tendency in the Japanese language. In the same respect, when shown a captive or dead mushi and asked its name, many Japanese will ask whether it flies, crawls, creeps or swims.

Movement is also important as far as fear of mushi is concerned. Indeed, one of the mushi's most feared features is its sudden and unpredictable movements. This is particularly true for butterflies and moths. I witnessed a panic at the Insectarium of Kashihara precipitated by flying agehach, large black bat-like butterflies flying slowly and heavily with somewhat unharmonious, uncoordinated movement.

Feelings toward Mushi

The dominant feeling of Japanese people toward mushi is rather negative, as sketched in the previous paragraph, especially when it comes to hairy caterpillars, snakes, worms, and larvae. There is a Japanese saying "to hate something as much as a hairy caterpillar" ("kemushi no y ni kirau"). Even butterflies are a target for hatred and fear. The word mushi evokes disliked animals such as the millipede (mukade), hairy caterpillar (kemushi) or cockroach (gokiburi). Therefore, the first feelings elicited by the word mushi are fear and disgust. This is why it is sometimes difficult for people to group such hated animals with the beloved fireflies or cicadae.

There is in Japanese culture, on the other hand, a strong feeling of compassion for everything that has a very short life (we say in Japanese "aware," "it shii"), often expressed in poems and songs. All the people I interviewed whose job or hobby was related to the mushi really liked "their own mushi" but had a profound dislike and/or fear of the others; this was true for the silkworm breeder, fireflies breeder, bees' larvae catchers and beekeeper in the two villages where I did fieldwork. They showed strongly paradoxical attitudes towards "their" mushi and nearly all other mushi.

Direct Inquiry

The following illustrated chart (Figure 2) was shown to 67 persons (average age 55 years). Fifty-eight percent of them were women. These people were asked to point out, among all the pictures, the ones that they would call "mushi" (as many as they wanted); then, among the ones indicated, to select the ones corresponding to the "primary" type of mushi, that is "the most mushi-like" animals: in a word, the core of the category. The chart presented was neither complete nor fully representative of the Japanese fauna. A very large picture would have been overwhelming for people to examine. What is important to take into account is the qualitative aspect of the answers. The test was designed to obtain a general outline of the category mushi and of the shape of its "primary" type.

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Figure 2 (Chart of Selected Japanese Fauna)

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Results and Discussion

Typology of the Choices

Results show the possible combinations representing the basis of the category (see Figure 3). A typology of five general classes emerged. In these classes there are nearly always one or two elements that do not fit. This typology represents tendencies. Classes have been drawn each time a group of answers has been judged close enough to an ideal class. The following typology is given by decreasing order of the classes' occurrence in the test. Seven cases were considered impossible to fit in this typology and unable to represent a class by themselves, the choices appearing close to random, or irrelevant in terms of categorization.

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Insert Figure 3 (Typology of Answers)

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Insects + Crawlers, 18 cases
Insects (larvae and imagines), 18 cases
Crawlers (including insect larvae), 14 cases
Insect larvae, 7 cases
Imagines (adult insects), 3 cases

1. Insects + Crawlers
This class of answers is representative of a middle-aged population (average age 57.9 years). Among the 18 cases, everyone excluded the snake from what they called mushi; 17 included the spider in addition to insects and crawlers. The snake is not considered (at least not any more) a mushi even if it crawls, mainly due to scientific occidental influence; on the contrary the spider is usually considered a mushi, being very often associated with insects. People belonging to this class show a marked preference for the insect larvae ( aomushi, kaiko, kemushi) as the core of the category.

This is the most comprehensive group of all the classes found. It seems to combine the traditional view of the mushi (insect larvae, the core example) with its rather modern, scientific definition (insects per se). When asked to pick a mushi as the core of the category, people tend to look at the tradition, but when they are simply asked to choose the mushi among a set of animals, they would sometimes fail to include crawlers, but almost never forget winged insects.

2. Insects
This class of answers is representative of a somewhat younger (average age 45.3 years), female population. Viewing the mushi category as an equivalent to insects per se ("konch ") seems to have a scientific, occidental origin. Note the special position of the spider (kumo) and the millepede (muked), added to the insects by 12 people, traditionally grouped together with insects in folk classification.

All the people in this class have a rather specific idea about the core of the category. For example, the locust (batta) and the silkworm (kaiko) emerge, both bearing a high level of cultural symbolism, followed by the millepede and the spider showing the importance they assume for the definition of the category.

3. Crawlers
This class of answers is representative of the older segment of the population (average age 61.1 years; only one person under 50). Among the 14 cases, 12 people excluded the snake from the mushi category; 10 persons included, in addition to the crawlers, a winged imago (nine of them the locust). The locust plays a particular role in rural and agrarian rites as well as in literature in Japan, being known in these occurrences as a mushi. This may be the reason why it becomes difficult not to consider it as a mushi, even when one views mushi as mere crawling animals.

The core of this category is centered on the uji (9), kemushi and aomushi (5 each), that is two-winged or butterfly larvae. This category refers to the folk, traditional, classical image of the mushi.

4. Insect larvae
There were only seven cases in this category and it thus becomes difficult to draw actual tendencies. The pattern is close to the previous class, except that the category mushi here has a very restricted span, corresponding only to the core of what was called mushi in the previous class. This is the oldest age group interviewed (62.4 years). Moreover, the population is predominantly male (6).

Table 1. The Core of the Mushi Category by Gender

The results show that the core of the mushi category refers to insects at their larval stage: wormlike, legless, undifferentiated, grayish larva that are considered disgusting (see Figure 4). All the adult winged insects occur later as representing the core of the category. We can, however, speak of a discrepancy between men and women, winged insects being chosen significantly more often by men as the core of the category.

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Figure 4 (Representation of the Mushi Category and its Core)

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Conclusion

We introduce here the idea of a contingent category which expresses itself differently according to the context, as opposed to fixed categories (like "cat," "dog"). The "definition" of cat or dog does not vary when compared to similar animals in literature, pictorial arts, folk naming, cooking, or religious beliefs. Even if a cat may be called "doglike," it will remain a "doglike cat." A cicada, on the contrary, is a mushi in itself but is "less mushi" than a grasshopper; a tadpole is a mushi whereas a frog is not. The content of the category also varies with gender and age, as we have seen.

This contingency leads to ambivalence attached to both the individual animal as well as the category mushi. For an individual's categorization of and response to an animal as mushi depend on and are mediated by a complex set of criteria that include both context (its movement, color, texture) and morphological features (including ontogenetical criteria).

The mushi category can be represented as a series of concentric circles, the center of which represents the core of the category (Figure 4). The farther an animal is from that core, the less mushi it is. Many nondefinable animals (including newly introduced ones) have been classified with (that is "beside," or "near") those that comprise the core. This closeness is not of a pure cognitive nature. We can think anyway that the fact they have been put together is not due to mere chance. Therefore, when it comes to mushi, the notion of discriminative criteria alone cannot answer to the complexity of its contents and structure.

Core characteristics:

• larval stage (Diptera)
• apod (or on the contrary, bearing many legs like the millipedes)
• wild (versus "cultured")
• grayish (darker than the white silkworm)
• rather big, rather long
• crawling or creeping
• presenting unexpected movements
• rather soft
• presence of hair

Mushi are a laden category in Japanese culture, present both concretely and symbolically at many levels, from everyday life to literature and religion. The song of an autumn mushi, the cricket, and the sight of spring fireflies are significant cultural as well as natural events. In both their positive and negative connotations, and their role in concretizing emotional states, the mushi are a rich, semantic complex that color Japanese views of nature and animals.

Notes

1. Please address correspondence to the author at Gifu Keizai University, Kitakata-ch 5-50, Ogaki-shi 503, Gifu-ken, Japan. I am grateful to the editor as well as to Eric Greene for their encouragement and useful comments.


2. Kjien. (1986).
Dai Gonkai. (1932, 1982).
Kokugo Daijiten. (1980). Kaneda & Ikeda.
Nihon Daijiten. (1928). (Volume 6).
Kogojiten. (1974). Iwanami.
Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan. (1983).
Heibonsha Hyakkajiten. (1985).


3. Iwanami kango jiten (1987), 6000 entries 103 of which bear the radical mushi. Morohashi, Tetsuji (1960) 1986. Dai kanwajiten (volume 13), among nearly 49,000 entries, 823 are classified under the mushi radical.

References

Brown, C.H. (1979). Folk zoological life-forms: Their universality and growth." American Anthropologist, 81(4). 791-817.

Carr, M. (1983). Why did d'i_ng change from 'animal' to 'wug'? Computational Analyses of Asian and African Languages, 21. 7-13.

Minami, kiiichir (1961, 1983) Hotaru no kenky. (Research in fireflies). Tky, saienchisuto sha, 321.

Sturtevant, W.C. (1964). Studies in ethnoscience. American Anthropologist, 66, 3(2). 94-131.

Yoshimatsu, Kumiko (1984). Nihonjin no dbutsu ni kan suru minzokubunrui to sono rekishi heisen. (Japanese Folk Classification of Animals and its Historical Vicissitudes.) Jinruigaku, 15 (2). 179-240.

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