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Intimate Familiarities? Feminism and
Human-Animal Studies
Lynda Birke 1
The study of human-nonhuman animal relationships, like
women’s studies, is a relative newcomer to the academy. Both
grew partly out of political movements of the 1970s, challenging
different forms of oppression. Here, I ask whether there are
insights each could draw from the other, despite their
differences. I do so from personal academic experience of both:
But I write also from my own engagement in those social
movements of the 1970s and my belief that politics that ignore
other oppressions cannot be liberatory politics for anyone.
Undoubtedly, there is some overlap between the concerns of both
movements: Both, for example, have a concern with rights
(however problematic that concept (Donovan, 1990; Slicer, 1991).
Another common ground is in their respective critiques of
Western culture’s profound commitment to distinguishing “us”
from “others,” which extinguishes differences among those others
(Plumwood, 1993) and in turn can help to reinforce oppressions
or abuse (Adams, 1993; Pagani, 2000).
Despite overlaps, feminism and animal/human studies inevitably
pursue different concerns and different directions. However, in
so doing, some ideas may be overlooked that could usefully
inform one another’s research. My purpose here is to draw-in
very general termsC from some of these ideas to suggest
potential developments and dialogue.
A significant point is that both fields generally ignore the
central focus of the other; thus, academic feminism tends to
ignore animals while studies of human/animal relationships tend
to play down gender.[2] If nonhuman animals are outside modern
feminist theory, it is partly because of the way that women and
animals are linked as “others.” As a result, women have long
been denigrated by animal epithets (Dunayer, 1995) mostly loaded
with loathing.[3] Societal assumptions are so often read onto
nature in terms redolent of gender stereotypes. Macho males and
coy females frequent scientific narratives (Schiebinger, 1993),
while ornithological field guides commonly dismiss females as
“somewhat duller,” subordinating females to descriptions of
males (van de Pitte, 1998; Gruen, 1990).
Sexism in animal observation remains common and is one reason
why feminism has shied away from considering animals. In doing
so, however, feminism unwittingly relies on evolutionary
discontinuity. Feminist scholarship emphasizes how gender and
sexuality are socially constructed and rejects ideas rooted in
biological determinism (e.g. that gender depends on biology).
FineC but the flexibility implied by social constructionism
extends only to human behavior: Bodily functions remain
biological, beyond flexibility, and often untheorized (Birke,
1999). Moreover, the behavior of nonhuman animals remains
largely in the realm of biology, outside the remit of most
feminist inquiry (Noske, 1993; Birke, 1994). So, discontinuity
is reinforced implicitly, and the chasm yawns between human
culture and the rest of nature.
Nevertheless, several feminist theorists have analyzed the ways
that gender, race, and animality are deeply entwined concepts in
our cultureC they are concepts that discursively construct one
another (Haraway, 1989). Similarly, Bryld and Lykke (2000)
discuss the multiple and shifting meanings attached to dolphins.
That is, images of whales and dolphins have become particularly
potent symbols in cultural debate about what it means to be
human. However, “‘human’ is definitely not a neutral or innocent
category, but a highly gendered and racialized one,” as Byrd and
Lykke (p. 33) point out. So, while animals are absent from much
modern feminism, these authors remind us that how we think about
both animality and gender is complex and interdependent.
Empirical research on human-animal relationships has tended to
equate gender with male versus female butCin my viewCrarely
engages with gender as a complex construct. In this field, the
focus of social constructionism is on the meanings we give to
animals rather than on details of human behavior (such as
gender). Yet, we now understand gender in feminist scholarship
to be a highly nuanced construct with multiple meanings changing
over time (Nicholson, 1998; Butler, 1990). Butler’s work has
been influential here: For her, gender is something people
performCwe act out societal prescriptions of gender to create
identities (p. 25). The meanings of gender thus are not fixed
but fluid and multiple. What could human-animal studies take
from this?
Ways Forward?
Clearly, cultural meanings of animals and gender are complex and
powerful. But both fields of inquiry could benefit from greater
dialogue. Human-animal studies could make more use of ideas of
gender as a construct, as something performed (Butler, 1990)
rather than something we intrinsically are.[4] Although Butler
was not addressing animals, we might ask how “gender” becomes
performed whenever we observe nonhuman animals. Is the
performance in the animals’ behavior or in our understandings of
it (if we can make that separation)? Or is it in our own
performance in relation to that of the animals?
We also might ask about performance within human-animal
relationships. Other species often are assumed hard-wiredCeven
domesticated animals differing only slightly from “wild”
counterpartsCinstinctively adapted to their environment. But
animals living with us also perform, while we too act out roles
in relation to them. Indeed, there are (human-imposed) cultural
prescriptions for the performance of the role of “companion
animal”Cnot just any old behavior will do. Let me give an
example: In the “horsey” world that I know well, stallions now
are more popular. Their behavior often accords with human
beliefsCif people believe stallions are hormone-crazy males,
difficult and dangerous, they will probably be so; or, they can
be docile and easy to handle, if associated people believe they
can be and act accordingly. So, in a sense, these animals learn
to perform a role emerging from their relationships with people.
It could be, I suggest, a useful rubric for research to ask how
participants of any species come to perform relationships.
Domestication, indeed, could be a historical process of
performances of the roles of companion animal and human
caretaker, deeply intertwined.[5]
Feminist studies, by contrast, need to think more about what
animals are and the gender-laden meanings of both generalized
and specific kinds of “animals.” Relatedly, feminist theory
needs to consider its reliance on evolutionary discontinuity
(Hawkins, 1998). It does not help feminism to assume, however
implicitly, that “animals” are “other.” Feminist theory focuses
particularly on the creation and meaning of difference; but,
important though that move is, it still rests on a generalized,
nonhuman “other,” just a different one (Kappeler, 1995). It is
ironic that, while feminist theorists emphasize the fluidity of
gender, the same theory assumes an underlying fixity of nature
and animals. Moreover, in rejecting biological determinism,
feminists should not fear a “dumbing down” to what has emerged
culturally as “animality”; rather, we should recognize the
myriad ways in which various nonhumans engage with their worlds.
We need other ways to include animals in feminist theories
rather than rejecting them as “outside culture.” Doing so might
move us beyond simple dichotomies of biology/determinism versus
social constructionism (Birke, 1994).
Relatedly, while feminists often emphasize the “situatedness” of
each person’s knowledge (Haraway, 1991), this tends to assume a
human social context. Rarely is the living environment part of
this emerging understanding.[6] Yet, we create knowledge in
relation to a plethora of other life forms, not only humans.
Seeing other kinds of lives as situated like our own might
promote empathy with them, a shift paralleling growing demands
for more empathy[7] in scientific studies of nonhuman animals (Galdikas,
1996; Bekoff, 1994). Calls for more empathy in studying animals
are part of a groundswell of changing attitudes toward
reductionist science and the impoverished view of the lives of
animals that it encourages.
Empathy, moreover, must involve relating to others who are
differentCof whatever species–and whose individual life
histories are seen as part of that relation. It is not enough
solely to focus only on those who are similar, leaving “others”
as an undifferentiated mass. That has been a key insight of
modern feminist theory, at least in relation to women. It needs
extending beyond boundaries of species. There is growing
evidence, too, that some kinds of nonhuman animals clearly have
a social self who can recognize and take the role of “the
other.” Sanders’ (1999) study of dogs in relation to humansCand
the complexities of bothCis one example: He argues, “Intimate
familiarity with othersC be they human or nonhumanC offers the
richest of information,” (p. 148).
I have sketched here some areas of potentially fruitful
dialogue. Human-animal studies have made some marvelous insights
into how we humans relate to nonhumans. However, they could
usefully apply feminist insights about how gender also
structures our social world and our performance within it. But
feminist theory, too, must abandon its separation from the rest
of the living world. This limits feminist theory and politics,
and feminists could learn much about the significance of
nonhumans in our culture. Our lives are situated not only within
human social engagements but alsoCwhether we know or acknowledge
itCprofoundly with other species. This, I think, is an insight
that comes from dialogue between these two disparate fields. We
all share in making and remaking the world. We all share in
co-creating our situatedness. Perhaps, indeed, we all need
theories based on intimate familiarities.
* Lynda Birke, University of Lancaster
Notes
[1] Correspondence should be addressed to Lynda Birke, Institute
of Women’s Studies, University of Lancaster, Lancaster, UK LA1
4YW. Email: ghv37@dial.pipex.com. I am very grateful to Consuelo
Rivera, Lori Gruen, Nina Lykke, and Mette Bryld for helpful
comments on earlier drafts of this paper and to my various
canine and equine friends who ensure that I sometimes leave the
computer.
[2] There are exceptions: Several ecofeminist writers focus on
animals (Adams, 1994; Gaard, 1993; Gruen, 1994). Gender is
sometimes included as a variable in empirical studies of
human/animals (Kruse, 1999) but is rarely problematized as a
concept.
[3] There are numerous examples of denigrating animal words
applied to womenC chick, cow, beaver, pussy, for example. When
animal words refer to men, it is usually to imply something more
highly valued, even if ambivalently: Calling men studs or stags
are examples.
[4] Butler emphasizes the fluidity rather than fixity of gender.
But we perform gender according to societal precepts: In that
sense, we learn to “play by the rules”, thus channeling gender.
These processes may not be conscious (except in parodic
performances such as drag: Butler, 1990, p. 137).
[5] I want to stress here that I see such performance as
constraining (gender constrains how we behave, just as companion
animals are constrained by our cultural assumptions about what
is appropriate for them). I do not wish to imply positive or
negative evaluation, just that this might be a useful way of
thinking about how our relationships with animals develop.
[6] The “situatedness” of knowledge refers to the specificities
and context of the knower; thus, how people know the world (in
terms, say, of gender) depends upon their social context. There
is thus no one way of knowing. This idea is explored by Haraway
(1991). Haraway is, however, rather more inclusive of other
species than many other feminist writers who have used her idea
of situated knowledge.
[7] By empathy, I mean an ability to recognize another’s pain or
experience. To stress empathy/compassion in this way may help to
move away from notions of raw emotion (often seen as
sentimentality), which can bedevil discussions of animals: I am
grateful to L. Gruen for pointing this out (personal
communication).
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